The battle over the filibuster is now one of the country’s biggest
political news stories. The Bush administration seems determined to
change Senate rules so a simple majority of senators, instead of
three-fifths, can cut off debate and force a vote on the president’s
judicial nominees. Both sides claim to be arguing for procedural
principles.
But a Senate filibuster is not inherently good or bad. Throughout
U.S. history, the meaning of the filibuster has always been a matter of
political context. The merits have everything to do with what kind of
nation people want.
During the 1950s and ’60s, to anyone who supported civil rights
legislation, “filibuster” was a very ugly word. In Washington, it was
the ultimate maneuver for avian racists whose high-flown rhetoric
accompanied their devotion to Jim Crow. The gist of many speeches and
commentaries was that civil rights bills were part of an ominous plot
against “states’ rights” and sacred American traditions.
The names of many senators who fought for racial segregation --
Russell, Stennis, Eastland, Ellender -- are now displayed on federal
buildings or U.S. Navy vessels. Such was the hallowed clout that
Southern Democrats, usually champions of white supremacy, wielded in
Washington during the middle third of the 20th century. Their political
descendants migrated into the Republican Party, which today leads its
congressional majority with a lot of white Southern politicians (DeLay,
Frist and others) who, in turn, rely on white voters.
While considering how the right wing of the GOP depends on the
South to maintain its current grip on the Senate and the White House, we
may want to ponder something that Mississippi Gov. Paul Johnson said
four decades ago at a rally of 10,000 people in Jackson.
It was the early summer of 1964, and Johnson was hosting a fellow
segregationist governor, Alabama’s George Wallace, who trumpeted the
potential power of the South’s electoral votes. During the joint
appearance, Wallace opined that the 1954 Supreme Court decision for
school desegregation was “ridiculous and asinine,” adding that “any
person who made such a ruling should have a psychiatric examination.”
And Gov. Johnson declared: “It’s time the white people of our various
states started bloc voting.”
Today, although quite a few anti-racist and progressive white
voters live in the South, they -- along with the vast preponderance of
black voters -- are routinely on the losing side in lopsided statewide
races and presidential contests. While it’s certainly true that there’s
an abundance of personal and institutional racism in every state of the
union, Southern states are home to the highest proportions of
reactionary and bigoted whites. As a region, the South is the national
stronghold for political agendas most hostile to the aspirations of
African Americans and other people of color for economic justice, social
equality and legal parity.
Now, Southern senators are prominent in leading the charge against
the filibuster in clashes over nominees to the federal bench -- warmups
for senatorial struggles over Supreme Court nominations that are
expected sooner rather than later. The outcome is likely to guide the
direction of the nation’s judiciary for decades to come. And journalism
rarely seems capable of conveying the enormity of the implications.
To the extent that this political battle is framed as a test of
wills between the Republican majority and Democratic minority in the
Senate, journalists are missing the bigger story. Forty years after
landmark civil rights bills became law, the codes for a
non-discriminatory society are often trumped on the ground by countless
realities of discrimination that will persist in the absence of legal
remedies. Constitutional protections for racial minorities, gay people,
and women -- including their reproductive rights -- are at stake.
Overall, many civil liberties hang in the balance.
“Filibuster” sounds like a Washington word, and it is. But in 2005,
this is not a Washington story -- it’s a story about the future of the
United States. If the Bush forces are able to kill the filibuster, they
will be a lot closer to transforming the judicial system of this
country. It’s hard to think of a story that less deserves to be reported
merely as a dispute raging inside the Beltway.
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Norman Solomon’s latest book, “War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits
Keep Spinning Us to Death,” will be published in early summer. His
columns and other writings can be found at:
www.normansolomon.com
