Donald Trump’s Top 100 Election-Rigging Schemes for 2026, Part V
Introduction
You can find earlier reports in this Proof series here: Part I; Part II; Part III; Part IV.
A full introduction to this pre-election report series can be found here.
This entry in the report series covers Trump election-rigging plots #49 through #57.
Donald Trump’s Top 100 Election-Rigging Schemes for 2026 (#49 Through #57)
(49) What has the fear of democracy advocates always been about the posting of active-duty soldiers at polling places in America? This: that their very presence will scare U.S. voters away, especially voters who feel themselves to be vulnerable in Donald Trump’s America (in other words, some of the largest voting blocs in the Democratic Party). It is not so hard, of course, to understand why even a committed regular voter—let alone an intermittent or indifferent voter—might turn around and walk away upon seeing armed troops under the thumb of Commander-in-Chief Donald Trump outside their designated polling place. Anyone who claims that the only thing anyone ever has to fear from National Guardsmen at the polls—a place soldiers are categorically never supposed to be in—is that they’ll start grabbing U.S. citizens and tossing them around Soviet-style is a rank demagogue and a gaslighter.
With all that in mind, we have now learned that, contrary to weeks of empty promises from Trump and “Secretary of War” Pete Hegseth, the second Trump administration is indeed, as their critics always feared, activating the National Guard in all fifty states.
And they’re doing it specifically for the midterm elections.
What prompted this? No reason has been given, of course, and no reason is known to exist. Certainly, Trump has done so much to disarm America’s defenses against election meddling—it has been, incredibly, one of the major abiding initiatives of his second term in office—that he can’t now claim that that’s his concern.
So what will these Trump-deployed soldiers do? Intimidate, of course. Specifically, as Ken Klippenstein reports, they will “observ[e] ballot drop boxes and polling places.”
Again, why? Intimidation. There is no known threat against polling places—those will, if 2024 was precedent, be called into majority-minority precincts by Republicans and foreign nationals only on Election Day, and all of them will be fake—and there is no evidence whatsoever that ballot drop boxes are being misused (claims of that all turned out to be fake, too, and were pushed by leading Trump supporters—including a man Trump pardoned for, of all things, Campaign Finance Fraud, in part to ensure he would retain at least some notional credibility on the topic of American elections).
Klippenstein says the Guard will also “safeguard[ ] so-called critical infrastructure,” a suitably vague mission that will allow for… well, almost anything, though we can be reasonably certain “anything” will unfold largely in majority-minority precincts (we have already seen the start of this in majority-minority D.C.; see item #23, here). And again, it must be pointed out that Trump has gutted every federal entity whose explicit task is to safeguard so-called critical infrastructure, so there’s no reason to think that that is actually what any of these soldiers will be doing on Election Day.
(50) Former paid Trump Foundation consultant James O’Keefe—famously a top Trump ally—was just charged with voting crimes in the midterms battleground of Minnesota. It’s clear what he did was linked to a larger election-interference plot.
Trump associate O’Keefe was just charged with felony Identity Theft and felony Unlawful Voting in Minnesota, according to a new report from the Washington Post.
And the the details here matter.
Why, for instance, did Mr. O’Keefe need to illegally register to vote using a fake identity in a state he doesn’t reside in, when his political patron saint—Trump—routinely says at public events that hundreds of thousands of undocumented persons across Minnesota and millions of such persons nationwide are illegally registered to vote? Why didn’t he just use his vaunted-if-unscrupulous investigative journalism skills to find even one such person? Why commit multiple felonies instead of just… doing some journalism?
Because that wasn’t the point.
Journalism wasn’t the point of this pro-Trump operation—incitement of election panic was.
What O’Keefe and his alleged co-conspirator were trying to do was target a state that Trump and vice president J.D. Vance have specifically singled out as corrupt—in part to punish Governor Tim Walz for daring to run on a presidential ticket against them—and do so in a way that allowed them to control the narrative. This was a domestic propaganda operation by a known Trump associate, in other words, not a real exposé.
Beyond this fact—horrifying enough on its own—it must again be asked (and how many times must this be pointed out before major media starts doing so?) that Trump himself could stop far-right voter fraud gambits like this if he wanted to do so. Just ask him; he loves to talk about how all-powerful he is inside the Republican Party (e.g., see here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, and here). He recently boasted that he has “98 or 99 percent approval” among Republicans (untrue, but it’s what he says is an accurate measure of how much he controls GOP operations).
He recently boasted that the entire party will cheer whatever he says, no matter what.
So it’s not just because O’Keefe is a longtime Trump associate that there’s reason to believe Trump could stop his activities. It’s because Trump has for over a decade made a much grander claim: that MAGA is his movement, the Republican Party his party, the party platform (such as it even exists anymore) made in his image… crikey, the man has even taken to posting images of himself as Jesus Christ (a comparison he has also often drawn meme-free) as a way of underscoring his political power inside the GOP.
Trump—more than any politician in any of our lifetimes—routinely boasts of his total control over events within his partisan political sphere. Indeed, that control, and not just the illusion of it but regular demonstrations of the reality of it, is essential to his political brand and public persona. This means he doesn't get to feign ignorance or innocence when longtime associates do exactly the sort of crime he’s encouraged his fans to commit for years: Voter Fraud.
(51) Yesterday Proof noted that Trump’s declaration that the Alaska Senate election should immediately be canceled—and his preferred candidate simply declared the winner—would only be the start of his and his agents’ attempts to declare important battleground state midterms elections invalid before they happen. That prediction has turned out to be prescient, as a day later the same thing is happening in Texas.
As most Proof readers will know, Trump has poured more money into the 2026 Texas Senate race than any other race; has appeared more times in Texas on behalf of his chosen candidates there than on behalf of any other candidates anywhere else; has watched his biggest mega-donor by orders of magnitude, Elon Musk, spend most of his historically gargantuan midterms donations on the Texas Senate race (an amount so large, in fact, that it dwarfs almost all other nationwide giving by anyone else alive); and in general has appeared to be more exercised about that race than any other. He even went so far as to promise Texans that their current senior senator would be his next Supreme Court Justice pick.
One thing that’s become clear in all this—if there was ever any doubt about it—is that Trump controls the Texas Republican Party with an iron fist. Readers will remember that he even proposed canceling the GOP primary there and picking its winner himself, a move that would have disenfranchised all Texas Republicans in an epic demonstration of his absolute authority over that state’s GOP voters.
So it’s with this in mind that we learned yesterday that the Texas county Republican Party—openly acting as agents of Trump and his political machine—demanded from the far-right judicial system of that state that the rules for how ballots are counted in its jurisdiction be changed less than a week before the midterms… and all results there invalidated unless their whims are adhered to.
Most reading this will understand by now that neither Mr. Trump nor the Texas Republican Party nor its county-level officials expect to win this sort of legal action, even in a state where far-right judge-shopping is rampant and careful litigants can usually find a state or federal judge who’s just a hair more progressive then Judge Holden from Cormac McCarthy’s Blood Meridian. (To fully get that joke, read this.)
Rather, the goal here is to do what we know from Proof of Coup (2023) Trump and his political machine attempted to orchestrate on short notice just before the January 6 Rebellion: sufficient confusion—or maybe, better said, sufficient partisan consternation—in battleground states over the legality of certain election protocols that it could, in theory, be subsequently used by highly partisan Republican state legislatures to justify refusing to seat the Democratic candidates voters actually elected. It was the argument of Trump and his political machine in the days just prior to the attack on the Capitol that state legislators, not judges or even voters, were most entitled to decide who got a job in Washington.
Thus, this new Texas lawsuit, which throws a marker down on the table to assert that certain far-right state legislators in Texas want the election protocols in their area changed at the eleventh hour—and if they’re not, the Texas legislature may later deem the eventual election results (which currently suggest James Talarico will become the first Democrat to win major statewide office in Texas since 1994) wholly invalid.
In this view of what’s really going on here—one grounded in basically everything that Donald Trump and his allies in Texas have done over the last decade—the endgame is to get this new lawsuit sufficiently so widely reported in Texas media pre-election that any ex post “election ratfuckery” Trump’s far-right Republican agents in Texas engage in will somehow seem preordained and at least distantly reasonable.
(52) Trump lied to a roomful of holy men to leverage an entire religion for midterm campaign ads.
For all his personal atheism and well-known contempt for organized religion, it’s still hard to believe Trump and his agents did this. Or, not really, but it seems right to say so.
Trump and his religious adviser—heretic, blasphemer, and grifter Paula White-Cain—lured a group of Catholic bishops from around the country to a White House meeting that they swore up and down (a) wouldn’t be photographed, (b) wouldn’t be filmed, and (c) would focus exclusively on discussing policy items critical to the Catholic Church.
ABOVE: Paula White-Cain, grifting in tongues.
Should the bishops have believed Trump and his faux priestess-cum-consigliere? No.
Did they actually believe them? Who knows.
Did their trip violate U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops protocol? Seemingly, yes—egregiously so.
Were these bishops willfully violating the Pope’s own position on staying away from politics in an election year? Yes. (In fact, Pope Leo XIV famously wouldn’t even travel to America this year out of an abundance of caution.)
Did many of the bishops feel regret afterward? Some did.
None of this excuses Trump or White-Cain for lying—in extended and almost baroque fashion—to a large number of holy men in a plot to make it seem like the Catholic Church has endorsed Trump and MAGA-ism in the run-up to the midterm elections.
Because of course there was a photographer present. And the request that the bishops “pray over” Trump was intended for political usage. They had been defrauded, just as Ms. White-Cain defrauds her followers into believing her a good-faith woman of God.
This was a dirty trick with men of the cloth as victims, and it was sinister, and it most definitely qualifies as a scheme to make a federal election something other than fair.
(53) We expect American presidential campaigns not to commit multimillion-dollar civil offenses in public on a daily basis in order to attract new voters. But the Trump midterm rally machine has done exactly that.
To some, this may at first seem a minor infraction—which is why a brief history of Trump political operations and multimillion dollar civil infractions is worthwhile.
Before Trump, political campaigns either got permission from musical artists to use their songs in electioneering or else immediately stopped using songs the moment an artist whose intellectual property was being used without leave told them to do so.
Then came Trump. A man with a decades-long history of premeditatedly stiffing small, working-class contractors—on the theory (sadly accurate, if pathologically criminal as well) that they can’t afford to enter into long-term civil litigation with him, so he can do whatever he likes to them—who would habitually use any song he liked without permission and keep using it after being told to stop. His tendency to do so has been repeatedly documented, to the point that there is a long Spotify playlist that simply catalogues all the songs Trump is banned from playing (which is not to say he has stopped playing them).
What Trump-watchers well understand is that some part of this is, for Mr. Trump, psychological. He largely lives in a fantasy-world of his own devising—hearing only the words he wants to hear and putting out only the narratives his fragile ego can readily accommodate—and a key component of that is simply not accepting that he is widely hated. Were he to agree to stop playing music he’s banned from playing by copyright claims, he would also implicitly be accepting the idea that he is considered so deeply grotesque by men and women he has long admired that they don’t want their IP in any way associated with him; that, candidly like almost any acceptance of agreed-upon phenomenological reality, would risk causing a psychic micro-fracture in Trump’s psyche. And over time, those would build up, eventually leading to a total breakdown.
By the same token, Trump’s sense of himself is so dependent on surrounding himself with lackeys, lickspittles, toadies, sycophants, fans, flunkies, groupies, and boot-lickers because without constant reaffirmation of his worth he might well have to face the self-loathing he’s always felt and the psychic reckoning he’s always procrastinated confronting. So his illegal use of others’ property—a major civil offense he of course sues instantaneously over, with the accompaniment of wildly bitter and inappropriate press releases and interviews, whenever it happens to him, even indirectly (e.g., political consultants who get additional work by mentioning their ties to him)—is also a way to falsely communicate to the masses that he is liked. Trump associates himself with well-loved artists and creators as a way of strongly implying he is, in turn, in some way approved by them. He is not, in this rendering of matters, a creepy old man who has been a malignant (and also violent) narcissistic psychopath his entire life, but rather a superstar.
But what’s been less documented—which is somewhat odd, given that Trump not only claims to be a capitalist but is the most litigious businessman in American history (despite spending his eleven-year political career stealing from entrepreneurs in broad daylight)—is how many tens of millions of dollars of other entrepreneurs’ intellectual property he’s stolen in service of his political campaigns… instead of paying for it like any red-blooded, patriotic American consumer in a proudly free-market nation would.
Fortunately, we now have a new civil lawsuit that underscores just how much Trump has stolen from U.S. citizens (and foreign nationals residing in the U.S.) to finance the marketing components of his political campaigns, including his 2026 midterms push.
Neil Young has just sued Trump for $10 million over Trump’s repeated and flagrantly illegal use of a single Young song at his 2026 midterms rallies, despite being told over and over again to stop doing it. Young is of course being gentle with Trump, whose own lawsuits against others for hurting his brand tend to demand hundreds of millions.
Still, two things are worth pointing out here—and they’re especially important to point out forcefully, as otherwise readers might think this infraction and others like it are minor and, even taken in their totality, not a form of election-rigging.
First, Young has calculated the damage to his own business interests very accurately, estimating the size of the audience Trump has illegally played Young’s music to and multiplying it by the concert prices consumers normally pay to access his intellectual property. What this underscores is that if every other musical entrepreneur Trump has stolen from were to do the same thing, the total cost of Trump’s open thefts during his eleven-year political career would easily reach into the hundreds of millions of dollars.
Not a fantastical hundreds of millions, as with Trump’s own lawsuits, but a real loss of that amount to persons around the world—and especially here in America. Simply put, much of the marketing component of Trump’s political machine is flat-out stolen, down to his iconic (stolen) slogan, and it was stolen with such brazen premeditation and knowingly false ex post denials, and in such a systematic fashion, that it would likely be easy to frame it as criminal Conspiracy—not merely one of the largest and longest-running civil theft operations in American history (certainly, in American political history).
Second, what Young’s lawsuit does is underscore how central to the success of a 2026 Trump midterms rally the event’s entertainment component is. This is especially true because the candidate himself has taken to rambling incoherently, making bizarre nonsensical noises, detailing homoerotic fantasies at length, and repeating the same one-liners that he’s used at hundreds of rallies in the past. What gets Donald Trump supporters in the door, then, to the extent they’re coming in the door anymore at all, and what therefore gets Trump rallies on television, and what therefore makes these events politically efficacious at least to some degree, is the idea that they’re a raucous party of sorts for American voters whose political identity relies on causing misery to others. It’s important, therefore, that the get-togethers of these boosters of a “misery machine” are generally happy events that bely everything that really undergirds them.
So the fact that what makes these events ostensibly joyous is stolen intellectual property to the tune of hundreds of millions of dollars in theft—a premeditated theft that is likely criminal, and certainly flies in the face of every claim about belief in the free market Donald Trump has ever exhibited in extolling the virtues of capitalism—is not at all beside the point. Moreover, Trump has such a historically massive 2026 campaign war chest and historically large personal fortune enabled by illegal in-office self-dealing that in theory he could easily pay for the entirety of this stolen songbook out of pocket.
While it’s true that Americans have become so inured to Trump’s crimes that what Proof is describing here might seem like only a minor offense, Proof reminds readers that if, in 2014, they had been told that a political operation was stealing hundreds of millions of dollars worth of intellectual property from American and foreign citizens in daily support of a GOTV (“Get Out the Vote”) political operation— doing so over a period of years, and with the utmost deliberation, over even the written legal objections of the victims stolen from—it would indeed be deemed a form of illicit election-rigging.
(54) Never before has a relative of a president—someone who has known him well for decades—publicly accused him of election-rigging, yet that’s just happened.
Mary Trump deserves special attention when she levels significant allegations against her uncle not just because they’re related and she spent years in contact with him; not just because she’s also spent years in close contact with other Trump relatives who know Trump even more intimately (including his late sister); not just because she has now dedicated herself to uncovering those aspects of her uncle’s life and times she didn’t experience first-hand as one of his biographers; but because she is also a licensed psychologist who is professionally trained to process all the evidence she has.
And what is she doing in the week before the 2026 midterm elections? Sounding a national alarm about what she says is the most coordinated effort ever to steal a U.S. election—which is saying something given all that this author and the Proof Series revealed about Trump’s efforts to rig the federal elections of both 2016 and 2020.
And Mary Trump is getting very specific in her allegations.
What Mary is focused on is actually the aspect of Trump’s persona she knows more about than almost anyone alive: an obsession with self-enrichment that she witnessed across decades from inside the Trump Family. Why does that matter? Because as Dr. Trump’s books detail, she repeatedly observed Trump (a) stealing money from his own family members, (b) when he didn’t need to do so, (c) under circumstances in which he knew he’d be caught, and (d) with an utter disregard for the consequences because he was convinced he could use his legal team to ensure there’d be none.
Consider the implications of all that for what Donald Trump is doing now.
The Supreme Court, dominated by handpicked and historically far-right Trumpist justices, has said Trump is essentially above the law (see Trump v. United States).
Trump’s personal lawyers run both the FBI (Kash Patel) and DOJ (Todd Blanche), the only two agencies in a position to criminally investigate him at the federal level. Both men have made clear that they work for Donald Trump, not for the United States.
Trump himself has made clear that he will never withhold himself from self-dealing as President of the United States, because in his view “no one cares” if he does so and—therefore, in his twisted ideology—“I’m allowed to.” That’s what he told the New York Times.
So Dr. Trump is taking into account this damning information, which she possesses as a leading Donald Trump biographer, as well as her personal experiences with Trump, as well as her professional training as a licensed psychologist, to issue a national warning the likes of which America has never seen before.
As the Daily Beast summarizes,
[Dr. Trump] said her 80-year-old uncle is desperate to cling to power because the stakes are “not simply political” but also financial.
Mary Trump alleged that his family has made billions through business and cryptocurrency ventures, while wealthy allies and donors have benefited from an administration driven by their financial interests.
“That is why hanging onto power matters so much to him. Losing it means losing access to the machinery that makes this illicit, deeply unfair arrangement possible, along with the grotesque accumulation of massive and obscene wealth that comes with it.”
She savaged Trump for his July announcement that he had declassified a slew of documents he claimed revealed vulnerabilities in the elections.
“This evidence shows that the election system we have dangerously exposes levels never thought possible,” the president announced at the time.
“Yes, levels never seen before, I have no doubt,” Mary Trump fired back in her column. “What we are being told is that Donald knows he cannot win without cheating, and that he cannot acquire the kind of wealth that might someday make him feel whole without rigging the system.”
It’s easy for Trump critics—even biographers—who don’t know him personally to observe that he is venal and psychologically damaged. But for a licensed psychologist who is related to him and has observed his private, intra-family conduct for years (specifically with respect to the offspring of his deceased eldest brother, and a due inheritance Trump has cruelly sought to keep from them) to note that Trump simply has no boundaries whatsoever when it comes to wealth acquisition, to the point that he would destroy America simply to personally “feel whole” through great wealth, is truly chilling. And it echoes recent claims by Michael Wolff, another Donald Trump biographer, in his podcast Inside Trump’s Head. (While not a Trump relative, Wolff for years had privileged access to the first Trump administration from inside the White House, including not just press access to the West Wing but months of close contact with Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign CEO, Steve Bannon.)
(55) Dr. Trump’s allegations have been confirmed by people inside the White House.
At the beginning of this month, Americans learned the following from former Trump official Ed Martin (the Proud Boy attorney who now works for Trump on election issues outside the White House):
8:26 AM · Oct 6, 2026 · 218K Views
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Tina Peters is of course the insurrectionist and convicted felon who tried to help Trump steal the 2020 presidential election and was sentenced to years in prison for her crimes. She’s out now—largely because Trump illegally withheld federal funds from her home state, Colorado, until she was released early—and has become a top Trump adviser on election matters, including (as noted above) meeting with Trump in person inside the White House.
But what’s so terrifying about these revelations, and why they merit an entry in this report series, is the phrase “the plans.”
That is, Tina Peters, a known insurrectionist and election-rigging criminal, now says there are “plans” to ensure Republicans win the midterms. That claim has been confirmed by her personal lawyer, Peter Ticktin, who she shares with President Trump and is a longtime Florida friend of Donald Trump (Ticktin says he has known Trump for “decades” and they were childhood “best friends”).
Per Ticktin, his old friend (and client) Trump “has got nothing to lose, the nation has nothing to lose, [so] it’s better if we’re going to have a civil war of any sort that it would be martial law with our side in control of the armaments.”
That’s right—Mr. Ticktin says the “plans” involve Trump declaring martial law on or shortly after Election Day.
And what we are hearing from Mary Trump, Tina Peters, and Peter Ticktin is being echoed by people who work in the White House. As a new report confirms,
President Donald Trump’s team is preparing to discredit Republican election losses, a White House source told Raw America, warning that administration staffers are concerned about what could follow the midterms.
In an exclusive report Monday, Raw America White House correspondent Brian Karem cited a White House source, speaking on condition of anonymity, who said Attorney General Todd Blanche would lead the legal efforts. “We know there are plans to discredit every race that Republicans lose. Every one of them. And we know Todd Blanche will spearhead the legal efforts,” the source told Karem. “The president is wounded, and if he loses he’ll be embarrassed. We all need to brace for what comes next.”
The most significant “legal” effort an Attorney General could “spearhead” to at once challenge “every race Republicans lose” would be an invocation of the Insurrection Act on false allegations of an election-fraud conspiracy—which is exactly what the January 6 attackers wanted from Trump in 2021 and what Peters and Ticktin do now.
(56) The FBI is already hearing that they will be misused post-election.
Consistent with all the above, MSNow reports that “current and former FBI officials [say] that in the wake of recent Trump administration actions that they believe were designed to sow doubt in the election process, some agents have expressed deep concern that they could be ordered to take legally questionable steps to investigate dubious claims of election fraud.”
In “sensitive internal deliberations” inside the FBI, agents are discussing the odds that they will be specifically asked to “seize voting machines or take other actions that disrupt [midterms] election results.”
This revelation urgently contextualizes the new indictments against two former FBI agents—to wit, it makes them seem like a warning to current agents about what could happen to them if they privately congregate to discuss going against the edicts handed down by Trump’s personal lawyer, FBI director Kash Patel—but they also put into a new context these recent revelations:
According to a new report from The New Republic, not only is Patel helping his client Trump to keep millions of documents in the Epstein Files from voters in the run-up to the midterm elections, he’s also, perversely, using incidents that highlight how much his attention is on protecting Trump rather than Jeffrey Epstein’s victims as an obscene excuse to fire FBI agents who are, in contrast, actually doing their jobs well.
Recently, the FBI “accidentally” released naked photos of Epstein victims unredacted while using redactions to elide altogether a comparatively harmless photo of a fully clothed Donald Trump. (Of course, any photo of Trump in the Epstein Files remains remarkably fraught, especially since many new allegations of rape—including pedophilic rape—against him were just released by the United States Congress, with American major media grotesquely deciding that these credible accounts are beneath contempt and therefore beneath notice.) This horrifying oversight appears to have concerned Patel mostly for the fact that it gave the lie to the already deeply bruised idea that the second Trump administration has any interest in protecting Epstein victims at all rather than one of the pedophilic sex trafficker’s closest associates and “wingmen,” Donald Trump.
So Patel started firing agents.
This, too, sends a message to existing FBI agents: if you’re not on the same page as the FBI director with respect to what matters and what doesn’t with respect to the FBI’s reputation—for instance, if you think seizing voting machines, as Trump told the New York Times in January 2026 he has no problem doing, would destroy that reputation—you should expect to quickly lose your job and your career in federal law enforcement.
All of which underscores that what FBI agents are apprehending inside the FBI is not just a plot to tamper with the midterm elections but to terrify honest agents out of doing anything to stop it.
(57) Georgia Republicans are asking the Trump administration to decertify voting machines before the midterms, which would cause chaos.
As Proof readers will know, Trump has an especially close relationship with the GOP in Georgia, having been criminally charged alongside several of its leaders with trying to subvert the election there, having worked with those leaders to betray and isolate and ostracize once of their own post-election (ex-Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene), and having asserted the right to determine who occupies which roles in the state party (especially with respect to the governorship). Beyond elevating MAGA election losers like former Sen. Kelly Loeffler and former Sen. David Perdue into Cabinet and sub-Cabinet positions, Trump has regularly injected himself into state politics from D.C.
So the idea that, five weeks before the midterms—in the waning hours of September—the Georgia State Republican Party would ask Trump to decertify voting machines there en masse without Trump’s foreknowledge of the plot is a non-starter. (Readers should remember that it was the 2020 presidential election in Georgia whose results Trump specifically intended to block by appointing his deranged lackey Jeffrey Clark as Attorney General just hours before the January 6 attack; Clark’s job, indeed the sole purpose of his fly-by-night appointment, was to send a letter to Georgia falsely telling the state’s legislature that DOJ had doubts about the accuracy of its election results).
And it was Georgia’s voting machines that Trump’s legal team falsely claimed were tampered with during the infamous “hair dye” incident.
And it was Georgia’s ballots Trump had his DNI Tulsi Gabbard seize as part of a planned (false) future claim that the state’s voting machines needed to be decertified.
So this—
“Republican members of the Georgia State Election Board adopted a resolution Monday seeking the Trump administration to intervene in a vague crusade against the state’s voting system just weeks before the midterm elections. The resolution directs James Mills, the board’s executive director, to pursue assistance ‘from any quarter,’ including the departments of Justice and Homeland Security, while pressuring Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to pursue an ill-defined software update to Georgia’s voting equipment.”
—was very clearly the continuation of backroom coordination between Trump and Republicans in a state he was previously charged with Racketeering for conspiring with.
There is, of course, no time to decertify voting machines or take them out of service just days before a statewide election, and attempting to do so would achieve no more than to disenfranchise hundreds of thousands or even several million residents in Georgia’s most populous counties (in other words, a replay of the plot the GOP used in Ohio in 2004, which resulted in lines as long as 11 hours in liberal college towns and majority-minority urban precincts because of a wholly artificial lack of sufficient machines to vote on).
Worse still, it’s likely that Trump and his Georgia accomplices know this.
With that in mind, it’s worth noting that the Waldron Plot Trump approved just before January 6—and thereafter abandoned—would have seen his DHS seize voting machines in battleground states like Georgia. This means that a state election board run by MAGAs specifically citing DHS as capable of helping the state with its voting machine “problem” isn’t a coincidence… and may be used to justify seizing voting machines across Georgia’s bluest counties just hours after Election Day concludes.