19 September 2014

The 2004 presidential contest between Democratic challenger Senator John
Kerry and the Republican incumbent, President Bush Jr., amounted to another
stolen election. This has been well documented by such investigators as Rep.
John Conyers, Mark Crispin Miller, Bob Fitrakis, Harvey Wasserman, Bev
Harris, and others. Here is an overview of what they have reported, along
with observations of my own.

Some 105 million citizens voted in 2000, but in 2004 the turnout climbed to
at least 122 million. Pre-election surveys indicated that among the record
16.8 million new voters Kerry was a heavy favorite, a fact that went largely
unreported by the press. In addition, there were about two million
progressives who had voted for Ralph Nader in 2000 who switched to Kerry in

Yet the official 2004 tallies showed Bush with 62 million votes, about
11.6 million more than he got in 2000. Meanwhile Kerry showed only eight
million more votes than Gore received in 2000. To have achieved his
remarkable 2004 tally, Bush would needed to have kept all his 50.4 million
from 2000, plus a majority of the new voters, plus a large share of the very
liberal Nader defectors.

Nothing in the campaign and in the opinion polls suggest such a mass
crossover. The numbers simply do not add up.

In key states like Ohio, the Democrats achieved immense success at
registering new voters, outdoing the Republicans by as much as five to one.
Moreover the Democratic party was unusually united around its candidate—or
certainly against the incumbent president. In contrast, prominent elements
within the GOP displayed open disaffection, publicly voicing serious
misgivings about the Bush administration’s huge budget deficits, reckless
foreign policy, theocratic tendencies, and threats to individual liberties.

Sixty newspapers that had endorsed Bush in 2000 refused to do so in 2004;
forty of them endorsed Kerry.

All through election day 2004, exit polls showed Kerry ahead by 53 to 47
percent, giving him a nationwide edge of about 1.5 million votes, and a
solid victory in the electoral college. Yet strangely enough, the official
tally gave Bush the election. Here are some examples of how the GOP
“victory” was secured.

---In some places large numbers of Democratic registration forms
disappeared, along with absentee ballots and provisional ballots.
Sometimes absentee ballots were mailed out to voters just before election
day, too late to be returned on time, or they were never mailed at all.

---Overseas ballots normally reliably distributed by the State Department
were for some reason distributed by the Pentagon in 2004.
Nearly half of the six million American voters living abroad---a noticeable
number of whom formed anti-Bush organizations---never received their ballots
or got them too late to vote. Military personnel, usually more inclined
toward supporting the president, encountered no such problems with their
overseas ballots.

---Voter Outreach of America, a company funded by the Republican National
Committee, collected thousands of voter registration forms in Nevada,
promising to turn them in to public officials, but then systematically
destroyed the ones belonging to Democrats.

--- Tens of thousands of Democratic voters were stricken from the rolls in
several states because of “felonies” never committed, or committed by
someone else, or for no given reason. Registration books in Democratic
precincts were frequently out-of-date or incomplete.

---Democratic precincts---enjoying record turnouts---were deprived of
sufficient numbers of polling stations and voting machines, and many of the
machines they had kept breaking down. After waiting long hours many people
went home without voting. Pro-Bush precincts almost always had enough voting
machines, all working well to make voting quick and convenient.

---A similar pattern was observed with student populations in several
states: students at conservative Christian colleges had little or no wait at
the polls, while students from liberal arts colleges were forced to line up
for as long as ten hours, causing many to give up.

---In Lucas County, Ohio, one polling place never opened; the voting
machines were locked in an office and no one could find the key. In Hamilton
County many absentee voters could not cast a Democratic vote for president
because John Kerry’s name had been “accidentally” removed when Ralph Nader
was taken off the ballot.

---A polling station in a conservative evangelical church in Miami County,
Ohio, recorded an impossibly high turnout of 98 percent, while a polling
place in Democratic inner-city Cleveland recorded an impossibly low turnout
of 7 percent.

---Latino, Native American, and African American voters in New Mexico who
favored Kerry by two to one were five times more likely to have their
ballots spoiled and discarded in districts supervised by Republican election
officials. Many were given provisional ballots that subsequently were never
counted. In these same Democratic areas Bush “won” an astonishing 68 to 31
percent upset victory. One Republican judge in New Mexico discarded hundreds
of provisional ballots cast for Kerry, accepting only those that were for

---Cadres of rightwing activists, many of them religious fundamentalists,
were financed by the Republican Party. Deployed to key Democratic precincts,
they handed out flyers warning that voters who had unpaid parking tickets,
an arrest record, or owed child support would be arrested at the polls---all
untrue. They went door to door offering to “deliver” absentee ballots to the
proper office, and announcing that Republicans were to vote on Tuesday
(election day) and Democrats on Wednesday.

---Democratic poll watchers in Ohio, Arizona, and other states, who tried to
monitor election night vote counting, were menaced and shut out by squads of
GOP toughs. In Warren County, Ohio, immediately after the polls closed
Republican officials announced a “terrorist attack” alert, and ordered the
press to leave. They then moved all ballots to a warehouse where the
counting was conducted in secret, producing an amazingly high tally for
Bush, some 14,000 more votes than he had received in 2000. It wasn’t the
terrorists who attacked Warren County.

---Bush did remarkably well with phantom populations. The number of his
votes in Perry and Cuyahoga counties in Ohio, exceeded the number of
registered voters, creating turnout rates as high as 124 percent. In Miami
County nearly 19,000 additional votes eerily appeared in Bush’s column after
all precincts had reported. In a small conservative suburban precinct of
Columbus, where only 638 people were registered, the touchscreen machines
tallied 4,258 votes for Bush.

---In almost half of New Mexico’s counties, more votes were reported than
were recorded as being cast, and the tallies were consistently in Bush’s
favor. These ghostly results were dismissed by New Mexico’s Republican
Secretary of State as an “administrative lapse.”

Exit polls showed Kerry solidly ahead of Bush in both the popular vote and
the electoral college. Exit polls are an exceptionally accurate measure of
elections. In the last three elections in Germany, for example, exit polls
were never off by more than three-tenths of one percent.

Unlike ordinary opinion polls, the exit sample is drawn from people who have
actually just voted. It rules out those who say they will vote but never
make it to the polls, those who cannot be sampled because they have no
telephone or otherwise cannot be reached at home, those who are undecided or
who change their minds about whom to support, and those who are turned away
at the polls for one reason or another.

Exit polls have come to be considered so reliable that international
organizations use them to validate election results in countries around the

Republicans argued that in 2004 the exit polls were inaccurate because they
were taken only in the morning when Kerry voters came out in greater
numbers. (Apparently Bush voters sleep late.) In fact, the polling was done
at random intervals all through the day, and the evening results were as
much favoring Kerry as the early results.

It was also argued that pollsters focused more on women (who favored
Kerry) than men, or maybe large numbers of grumpy Republicans were less
inclined than cheery Democrats to talk to pollsters. No evidence was put
forth to substantiate these fanciful speculations.

Most revealing, the discrepancies between exit polls and official tallies
were never random but worked to Bush’s advantage in ten of eleven swing
states that were too close to call, sometimes by as much as
9.5 percent as in New Hampshire, an unheard of margin of error for an exit
poll. In Nevada, Ohio, New Mexico, and Iowa exit polls registered solid
victories for Kerry, yet the official tally in each case went to Bush, a
mystifying outcome.

In states that were not hotly contested the exit polls proved quite
accurate. Thus exit polls in Utah predicted a Bush victory of 70.8 to
26.4 percent; the actual result was 71.1 to 26.4 percent. In Missouri, where
the exit polls predicted a Bush victory of 54 to 46 percent, the final
result was 53 to 46 percent.

One explanation for the strange anomalies in vote tallies was found in the
widespread use of touchscreen electronic voting machines. These machines
produced results that consistently favored Bush over Kerry, often in
chillingly consistent contradiction to exit polls.

In 2003 more than 900 computer professionals had signed a petition urging
that all touchscreen systems include a verifiable audit trail.
Touchscreen voting machines can be easily programmed to go dead on election
day or throw votes to the wrong candidate or make votes disappear while
leaving the impression that everything is working fine.

A tiny number of operatives can easily access the entire computer network
through one machine and thereby change votes at will. The touchscreen
machines use trade secret code, and are tested, reviewed, and certified in
complete secrecy. Verified counts are impossible because the machines leave
no reliable paper trail.

Since the introduction of touchscreen voting, mysterious congressional
election results have been increasing. In 2000 and 2002, Senate and House
contests and state legislative races in North Carolina, Nebraska, Alabama,
Minnesota, Colorado, and elsewhere produced dramatic and puzzling upsets,
always at the expense of Democrats who were ahead in the polls.

In some counties in Texas, Virginia, and Ohio, voters who pressed the
Democrat’s name found that the Republican candidate was chosen. In Cormal
County, Texas, three GOP candidates won by exactly 18,181 votes apiece, a
near statistical impossibility.

All of Georgia’s voters used Diebold touchscreen machines in 2002, and
Georgia’s incumbent Democratic governor and incumbent Democratic senator,
who were both well ahead in the polls just before the election, lost in
amazing double-digit voting shifts.

This may be the most telling datum of all: In New Mexico in 2004 Kerry lost
all precincts equipped with touchscreen machines, irrespective of income
levels, ethnicity, and past voting patterns. The only thing that
consistently correlated with his defeat in those precincts was the presence
of the touchscreen machine itself.

In Florida Bush registered inexplicably sharp jumps in his vote (compared to
2000) in counties that used touchscreen machines.

Companies like Diebold, Sequoia, and ES&S that market the touchscreen
machines are owned by militant supporters of the Republican party. These
companies have consistently refused to implement a paper-trail to dispel
suspicions and give instant validation to the results of electronic voting.
They prefer to keep things secret, claiming proprietary rights, a claim that
has been backed in court.

Election officials are not allowed to evaluate the secret software.
Apparently corporate trade secrets are more important than voting rights. In
effect, corporations have privatized the electoral system, leaving it easily
susceptible to fixed outcomes. Given this situation, it is not likely that
the GOP will lose control of Congress come November 2006. The two-party
monopoly threatens to become an even worse one-party tyranny.


Michael Parenti's recent books include The Assassination of Julius Caesar
(New Press), Superpatriotism (City Lights), and The Culture Struggle (Seven
Stories Press). For more information visit: