In 1927 Sergei Eisenstein – the wunderkind of Soviet cinema, whose 1925 Potemkin swept the globe – was reportedly pressured to cut Leon Trotsky out of October, aka Ten Days that Shook the World, the film he was commissioned to make celebrating the tenth anniversary of the 1917 Revolution, by Joseph Stalin, who was then engaged in a faction fight with Trotsky and the Left Opposition. Almost 20 years later, after Stalin had butchered Lenin’s Central Committee, Eisenstein directed Ivan the Terrible to great acclaim, winning the State Prize of the Soviet Union – Stalinskaya Premia. However, Eisenstein’s sequel, Ivan the Terrible, Part II, was banned – the betrayer of the Russian Revolution realized that Eisenstein intended Ivan to be a not-so-subtle veiled reference to Stalin. Eisenstein never lived to see the release of his masterpiece in the late 1950s after Stalin’s death and Khruschev’s “thaw” opened the USSR up, because, it’s believed, that the Kremlin put so much pressure on the filmmaker that the 50-year-old suffered a heart attack and died in 1948.    

The Fourth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution:

“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”

The Fourth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, stands to protect Americans from government abuse of power.

Although Members of Congress, the Administration and the Supreme Court take an oath to uphold the Constitution,  U.S. government agency officials in the FBI, CIA and NSA, acting under the color of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance  (FISA) Act, routinely search and retain information on Americans' phone calls, emails and texts, without a required warrant. 

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Let’s Close This Case 

Detective Richardson looked over the recent information that he received regarding Booker T’s case. This case had been difficult to solve, however the pieces of the puzzle were fitting into place. His interviews with both Shelia and Jimmy had been productive. He believed Shelia didn’t know about her daughters and their connection to Smooth until he told her today. That removed the only motive he felt Shelia had to murder Smooth. So, he checked her off of his suspect list. He was surprised that she didn’t know about Jimmy’s daughter, considering Annie was Sara’s best friend, but that was a minor detail.

Jimmy on the other hand, had been surprised. Jimmy started the interview cocky, smirking when questioned about Smooth and their last encounter. He stopped smirking when Richardson asked about his daughter, Annie. “When was the last time you saw your daughter?”

Jimmy jumped up from the chair, looking at Richardson in shock. “What does Annie have to do with this?”

Logo

Let’s Close This Case 

Detective Richardson looked over the recent information that he received regarding Booker T’s case. This case had been difficult to solve, however the pieces of the puzzle were fitting into place. His interviews with both Shelia and Jimmy had been productive. He believed Shelia didn’t know about her daughters and their connection to Smooth until he told her today. That removed the only motive he felt Shelia had to murder Smooth. So, he checked her off of his suspect list. He was surprised that she didn’t know about Jimmy’s daughter, considering Annie was Sara’s best friend, but that was a minor detail.

Jimmy on the other hand, had been surprised. Jimmy started the interview cocky, smirking when questioned about Smooth and their last encounter. He stopped smirking when Richardson asked about his daughter, Annie. “When was the last time you saw your daughter?”

Jimmy jumped up from the chair, looking at Richardson in shock. “What does Annie have to do with this?”

Biden

The Biden administration’s recently published “Conventional Arms Transfer Policy” (Section 2, Paragraph 7), also known as National Security Memo 18/NSM-18, holds that the United States government has a duty to “prevent arms transfers that risk facilitating or otherwise contributing to violations of human rights or international humanitarian law.”  

BANGKOK, Thailand -- Cambodia wants to divert Southeast Asia's Mekong River into a planned $1.7 billion, Chinese-financed shipping canal to reach a deep-sea port at Kep near Sihanoukville on southern Cambodia's Gulf of Thailand coast.

The canal would enable Cambodians to be "breathing through our own nose," said newly elected Prime Minister Hun Manet, son and heir to long-time authoritarian former prime minister Hun Sen.

Cambodia, for the first time, could to import and export goods by ship from its capital Phnom Penh's port via the canal to a would-be deepwater port in Kep province on the Gulf of Thailand, opening onto the South China Sea.

Ships to and from Hong Kong, Singapore, and other ports could reroute, or add shipping lanes, to Kep to access the canal if it increases trade.

Shipping containers from those ocean-going vessels would be transferred by cranes at Kep to and from canal barges.

A successful Chinese-financed canal would also deepen Beijing's economic, diplomatic, and other links with Phnom Penh, and lessen Cambodia's dependence on Hanoi.

In this moment of sharp partisan divisions in our country, which endanger America domestically and abroad, I recognize the urgency of uniting America, of placing country above party, of pledging allegiance to America and to no other nation, and to upholding our Constitution to protect our freedoms. 

John Bolton

Wednesday, April 10th, 2019

By Robert C. Koehler

How dare she question the sanctity of American militarism?

As national security adviser John Bolton declared last fall, the International Criminal Court constitutes “an assault on the constitutional rights of the American people and the sovereignty of the United States.”

That’s you and me that Bolton is speaking about, and the recent revocation of ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda’s visa — in the wake of her insistence on investigating, among other things, U.S. war crimes in Afghanistan — is just the latest step in the diplomatic war the United States has declared against the court since it was established in 2002.

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