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After the Persian Gulf War in 1991, America’s neocons thought no country could stand up to the high-tech U.S. military, and they realized the Soviet Union was no longer around to limit U.S. actions. So, the “regime change” strategy was born – and many have died, writes ex-CIA analyst Ray McGovern.

Former Washington insider and four-star General Wesley Clark spilled the beans several years ago on how Paul Wolfowitz and his neoconservative co-conspirators implemented their sweeping plan to destabilize key Middle Eastern countries once it became clear that post-Soviet Russia “won’t stop us.”

As I recently reviewed a YouTube eight-minute clip of General Clark’s October 2007 speech, what leaped out at me was that the neocons had been enabled by their assessment that – after the collapse of the Soviet Union – Russia had become neutralized and posed no deterrent to U.S. military action in the Middle East.


BANGKOK, Thailand -- Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev's visit to
Bangkok last week resulted in trade deals, revived relations and a
public snub at Washington by Thailand's heavily criticized coup leader
who praised Moscow's friendship when "a friend is in trouble."

But on April 13, stung by published accusations that Bangkok was using
Moscow as a tool to slap Washington, coup-installed Foreign Minister
Tanasak Pantimapragorn said:  "We have never befriended anyone because
we want to make other jealous"

Mr. Medvedev began his two-nation tour in Vietnam, sparking
speculation that the Kremlin was trying to "pivot" toward Southeast
Asia and mirror President Barack Obama's initiative to engage the
region, still scarred from the Vietnam War which America lost 40 years
ago.

Here in Thailand, Mr. Medvedev's April 6 to 8 visit was examined by
analysts to determine if Moscow would benefit by filling the vacuum
created when the U.S., Europe and several other countries diminished


On March 30, lawyers for five Afghan prisoners still held at Guantánamo wrote a letter to President Obama and other senior officials in the Obama administration asking for their clients to be released.

The five men in question are: Haji Hamdullah (aka Haji Hamidullah), ISN 1119; Mohammed Kamin, ISN 1045; Bostan Karim, ISN 975; Obaidullah, ISN 762; and Abdul Zahir, ISN 753.

Thank you for having me here. I know a lot of people have been involved in planning this event. Thank you!

I'm going to try this morning to address the question of how we can best talk our fellow human beings out of one of the primary myths that allows war to continue. And in a second speech later today I'm going to turn more to the question of activism and building a peaceful world.

I mailed a box of my books here, and I had to mail another one because the first box arrived undamaged except that all of the books were missing. Although I don't know who stole the books, Mary Hanna recommended I inform you that the message I bring you was so threatening that the books were taken, and the empty box delivered, by a bunch of -- and I quote -- Weannie-heads!

Now, you see what I've done. I've called somebody a weannie head in a speech about peace but arranged it so you'll blame Mary (and maybe the U.S. Postal Service) instead of me. But of course when Michigan State's basketball team beat Virginia's I said something worse than Mary has probably said in her life, just as I'd done the year before, not that I'm holding any grudges.

How might we get to a world that doesn't plan and produce wars but lives at peace economically, environmentally, culturally, and legally? How might we switch to systems that avoid conflicts and settle unavoidable conflicts nonviolently?

World Beyond War, one project that I'm working on, intends to accelerate the movement toward ending war and
establishing a peace system in two ways: massive education, and nonviolent action to dismantle the war machine. I'm going to quote a bit of a section I wrote in a longer World Beyond War report on alternatives to war.

The Ukrainian parliament today approved a law banning “Communist and Nazi regimes,” outlawing all such political parties and the symbols related to them. It also criminalizes any denial of the “criminal character” of such regimes.

The move will primarily ban old Soviet-era flags and monuments in the country, though the ruling will also effectively ban Ukraine’s existing Communist Party, an opposition party that is generally pro-Russian and critical of the new government. The party has no seats in the national parliament, but has 112 seats in regional parliaments.

Communist Party leader Pyotr Simonenko was critical of the move not so much over questions about his own party’s status, but on the grounds it would criminalize the celebration of Soviet troops defeating the Nazis in the nation in WW2, and would bar WW2 veterans from wearing their medals.

To suggest that the United States policies in Yemen was a ‘failure’ is an understatement. It implies that the US had at least attempted to succeed. But ‘succeed’ at what? The US drone war had no other objective aside from celebrating the elimination of whomever the US hit list designates as terrorist.

 

But now that a civil and a regional wars have broken out, the degree of US influence in Yemen has been exposed as limited, their war on Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, in the larger context of political, tribal and regional rivalry, as insignificant.

 

If war were only “itself” — the violence and horror, the conflagration and death — it would be bad enough, but it’s also an abstraction, a specific language of self-justifying righteousness that allows proponents to contemplate unleashing it not merely in physical but in moral safety.

War, the abstraction, is an instrument of policy, an “option” that can be waged or threatened to get one’s way. It is always contained and sure of itself, limited in its goals and, of course, necessary. Its unintended consequences are minimal and quickly neutralized with an official apology, then forgotten. If we didn’t forget, the next war wouldn’t seem like such a viable, enticing option.

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