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In A.D. 193, the Roman Praetorian Guard murdered the Emperor Pertinax, and proceeded to auction off the imperial throne to the highest bidder. Until this year, the most strenuous emulation of this feat by the U.S. military came in 1980, when the Joint Chiefs of Staff took bids on the White House from the ramparts of the Pentagon. Despite fierce bidding by Jimmy Carter, the Chiefs had no hesitation in accepting Republican pledges and in proclaiming that only Ronald Reagan would keep the Empire strong.

We are in the climactic moments of the 2000 auction. In mid-August, Frank Gaffney Jr., a Defense Department official in the Reagan years, relayed the Praetorians' reserve price on the imperial throne: "A nation with a projected $1.9 trillion budget surplus can afford consistently to allocate a minimum of 4 percent of its gross domestic product to ensure its security."

AUSTIN, Texas -- Texas Health Commissioner Reyn Archer. Ooops.

Maybe we should just make that a standing headline. As you know, Archer, Gov. W. Bush's pick for the job, has this tendency to put his foot in it. He's often disastrously frank, which is sort of endearing.

Last time he got into trouble was for saying Texas has a high teen-age pregnancy rate because the state's Hispanic population does not believe that "getting pregnant is a bad thing."

The Alan Guttmacher Institute says that Texas Hispanics have a higher pregnancy rate than Anglos or blacks, but that the white rate is among the highest in the nation, too.

All this upset the Mexican-American community.

Isn't the two-party system wonderful? It really works!

Every day, we hear plenty of opinions. Top Democrats and Republicans stay "on message," and usually the nation's major news outlets are in sync. The media landscape remains largely uncluttered, so most people won't get distracted by other perspectives and choices.

The symmetry is dependable and perhaps reassuring. So, at the convention in Philadelphia, the TV networks aired interviews with Democrats who critiqued the speeches by Republicans. Later, in Los Angeles, the TV networks aired interviews with Republicans who critiqued the speeches by Democrats. What variety!

These days, politicians and pundits are working hard to explain how Al Gore and George W. Bush differ. Meanwhile, journalists are apt to bypass the many points of unity. In the media zone, if the major-party candidates agree, the matter is pretty much settled.

AUSTIN, Texas -- In one week and two days, I will be finished with nine months of treatment for cancer. First they poison you; then they mutilate you; then they burn you. I've had more fun. And when it's almost over, you're so glad that you're grateful to absolutely everyone. And I am.

We've all done our best here; whether this thing comes back is out of all of our hands. My wise friend Marlyn Schwartz said that those of us who survive owe a debt -- to Carole Kneeland, Mary Sherrill, Jocelyn Gray and all the others who didn't make it. They would have given anything they owned, any part of their bodies, for the gift of life. We who survive have it, and we owe it to them to cherish it -- joyfully.

The trouble is, I'm not a better person. I was in great hopes that confronting my own mortality would make me deeper, more thoughtful. Many lovely people sent books on how to find a deeper spiritual meaning in life. My response was, "Oh, hell, I can't go on a spiritual journey -- I'm constipated."

To prepare myself spiritually for what I'm willing to wager will be the New Age of Prudery (as manifested lately in the Gore/Lieberman attack on Hollywood's debasement of the higher values), I drove to the Getty Center, in west Los Angeles, in search of cultural filth from earlier epochs.

After all, if Gore and Lieberman are going to get serious about moral cleansing, why stop with "South Park" when the museums are filled with porn and violence? Sure enough, I was hardly inside the Getty Center's gallery of classical antiquities before I was confronted by an amphora depicting satyrs with enormous genitals all set to rape a passel of wood nymphs. I can't imagine Senator Lieberman approving of that kind of thing, anymore than a pretty explicit rendition of bestiality on an adjacent vase, with Leda making halfhearted efforts to repel the swan.

AUSTIN, Texas -- Humanizing Al Gore is the topic du jour, so let me contribute my mite.

In the summer of '92, the Clintons and Gores were on a bus trip in East Texas having a whale of time. As they rolled through the small towns, when there weren't enough people to justify getting out and forming a rope line, the bus would go into a "slow roll" while Bill and Al stood on the steps leading down to the glass doorway, waving at people and letting them get a good look.

At one point, Clinton went to the back of the bus and Gore was left in the doorway by himself, waving and smiling genially at the folks while muttering something like: "Hi there. Bill Clinton wants your vote very much. Right now he's in the bathroom, but he still wants your vote. Hi there."

Of course, it wouldn't seem so improbable to see headlines about "Fun Al Gore" if the media hadn't created the Wooden Al stereotype in the first place (with a little help from Gore in his Mr. Rogers mode).

Meanwhile, we continue to enjoy the faux-naif routine offered by Republicans and their media flunkies: What could Gore mean by "the people against the powerful"?

AUSTIN, Texas -- Yup, Al Gore wrote his own speech, all right. Don't you love the instant cliches? "He did what he had to do."

The conventional wisdom decided not to be knocked out of the park by it (mandatory cliche) but agreed that he did what he had to do. But how will the American people respond to the news that he did what he had to do?

The American people, perversely paying no attention at all to any of this, preferred "The Daily Show" take on all this on Comedy Central, a shrewd programming choice.

My favorite line of the convention was from Jim Miklaszewski of MSNBC. Sitting in the midst of the California delegation on the first night, he looked around pop-eyed and said: "You know, I have to say, there's more diversity in this one state's delegation than there was at the whole Republican convention."

LOS ANGELES -- On the televised surface, the Democratic National Convention exuded plenty of sweetness and generosity. One speaker after another explained that America's working people have a wondrous friend in a party that is committed to fighting for their interests. It was great theater -- of the absurd.

Behind the carefully crafted media facade, however, advocates for big business had ample reason to celebrate. For them, the two-party system was functioning just fine. No need to worry about the two teams of horses in the presidential race when they're both running in the same general direction.

Past sources of irritation or challenge inside the Democratic Party were, so to speak, subdued. Jesse Jackson was often moving yet also restrained when he spoke to the convention on Tuesday evening. "Old-line liberals had their night," USA Today reported the next day, under a headline that used the derogatory term "old guard" to describe speakers strongly critical of corporate priorities.

A chasm has always separated Gore's professions from his performance. He denounces the rape of nature, yet has connived at the strip mining of Appalachia, and, indeed, of terrain abutting one of Tennessee's most popular state parks. He put himself forth as a proponent of ending the nuclear arms race, yet served as midwife for the MX missile. He offers himself as a civil libertarian, yet has been an accomplice in drives for censorship and savage assaults on the Bill of Rights. He and wife Tipper smoked marijuana, yet he now pushes for harsh sanctions against marijuana users. He denounces vouchers, yet sends his children to the private schools of the elite.

It's hard to find noble moments in Gore's political career. Such was not the case with his father. Albert Sr. lost his senate seat in 1970, in part because of his opposition to the Vietnam war. Al Jr. never forgot what he has perceived the lesson of that defeat to be. A visitor to Gore's office at the start of the 1980s urged him to "do the right thing" on an issue that spelled possible political trouble for the congressman. Gore pointed to a portrait of his father on the wall of his office. "He did the right thing,"

AUSTIN, Texas -- I'm not a weapons expert, and you're not a weapons expert, so how are we supposed to know whether the National Missile Defense system is a good idea?

Even if you've read enough about it to be skeptical, there are real, actual experts claiming that it's a dandy notion. Generals at the Pentagon bent over double with brass want this thing. And many, many of the politicians of our nation agree that it will be a bonanza of contracts for defense plants in every congressional district.

So there it stands (well, actually, it doesn't -- it keeps blowing up): a monument to our nation's peculiar political and weapons procurement systems.

You may recall that the last time they tested it, the booster thing attached to the kill-thing that's supposed to fly off and hit the incoming missile failed to come apart from its other thingie, and went gerblob instead. (See? Anyone can discuss National Missile Defense.) That cost us $100 million.

And the time before that, it turned out that the Pentagon had cheated to make the missile-hitting missile look good.

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